Linguistic Apartheid and the Quest for Freedom and Identity in Cameroon
Peter Wuteh Vakunta, PhD— University of Indianapolis, USA
Introduction
The language question in
Cameroon has become the elephant in the room. Of all the burning issues that
continue to plague Cameroon, the language question is the most problematic.
This paper argues that Cameroon’s Official Bilingual Policy has fallen short of
expectations. We propose a Quadrilingual
Language Policy that would lay the foundation for effective Multilingual Education
that guarantees national unity and integration. Our model incorporates Cameroonian official
languages, indigenous languages and a lingua franca—in our case Cameroon Pidgin
English (Cameroonian Creole). The merit of this MODEL is that it would
normalize Cameroon’s linguistic anomalies. More than five decades after gaining
token independence from imperial powers—France and Great Britain; Cameroon
still does not have an implementable language policy that protects linguistic
minorities. Writing along similar lines,
Ayafor (2005)notes that “language policy and planning suffer a political
hijacking in which language measures are monopolized by political authority and
are used as a form of blindfolding against the civil society and linguistic
principles”(138).
The position of dominance accorded the
French language is attributable to the absence of an effective language policy
that safeguards the rights of linguistic minorities. This status quo does not bode well for the
nation’s quest for freedom and identity because as Echu (2004) would have it,
“The Policy of official language bilingualism has created an
Anglophone/Francophone divide in Cameroon that is seen in recent years to
constitute a serious problem for the State” (6). Thus, though conceived to play
the role of a unifying factor, Cameroon’s official language policy embodies germs
of disunity. The lackluster
implementation of the nation’s language policy has been described by scholars
as a harbinger of national disintegration (Soule, 2013; Echu, 2004; Ayafor, 2005; Tiomajou, 1991;
Bobda and Tiomajou, 1995). Ayafor for instance, argues that “language has become one
major factor among the socio-political grievances of Anglophones’ so-called
‘The Anglophone Problem’ since 1980s” (133).
There is no gainsaying the fact that what prevails in Cameroon today is tantamount
to linguicide, a term used throughout
this paper to describe the linguistic genocide that has been given leeway
in Cameroon. Linguistic genocide is observable in all spheres of government
business. In the judicial branch of government, the interpretation of the
letter and spirit of the law is left to the whims and caprices of
French-speaking judges who are ignorant of how the Anglo-Saxon legal system
functions. This has resulted in countless miscarriages of justice. For instance, a
travesty of justice was evident during the infamous Yondo Black trial[1]
in the 1990s.
The National Radio and Television Corporation (CRTV) is
another case in point. The preponderance of French news at the CRTV is no
secret to anyone living in Cameroon. During electoral campaigns, little or no
time is allotted to the campaign speeches of Anglophone opposition leaders
desirous of addressing the nation in a bid to sell their political platforms.
The language of instruction and daily routine in Cameroon’s armed forces,
police and gendarmerie [2]is
French. Anglophones recruited to serve in these forces have to fight or flee;
in other words, they must learn French or perish.
Such is the crux of the Anglophone Problem in Cameroon. To
eradicate these policy bloopers and save Cameroon from linguistic
disintegration, this paper proposes a Quadrilingual Education System that is linguistically
inclusive. Our model is calqued on previous models proposed by two of
Cameroon’s most acclaimed experts in the field of early childhood second
language acquisition, namely Bernard Fonlon (1963) and Maurice Tadadjeu (1975).
A Quadrilingual Educational Model in Cameroon
The Model that we propose is anchored on the acquisition of four (4)
languages: English, French, a National Language and a Lingua Franca (CPE)
before the Cameroonian child gets to University. We argue that a quadrilingual
education model that gives pride of place to the acquisition of both official
and national languages serves as a catalyst for the attainment of national
unity and economic advancement; the more so because language constitutes the
bedrock of nationhood and self-identity.
In our conceptualization of the Quadrilingual Model we have espoused
the stance of Tadajeu (1975) who argues
that “if language is to be the primary concern of the primary school then there
is no reason for not including the vernacular languages in the curriculum at
this level”(58). Tadajeu actually echoes Fonlon’s thoughts on this theme: “I
must confess that the expression Cameroon bilingualism is a misnomer. It would
be correct to speak of Cameroon trilingualism because even before the Cameroon
child comes to school to learn English and French, he should have already
learnt his own native tongue” (“A Case for Early Bilingualism…,”p.206). Other scholars in this field have argued for
the inclusion of indigenous languages in the educational system in Cameroon (Mba
and Chiatoh, 2000; Todd, 1983; Chumbo, 1980; Ngijol, 1964; Achimbe, 2006).
Achimbe argues that the language education policy in Cameroon largely ignores
the importance of national languages. As he puts it: “In promoting its
bilingual language education policy, the government has largely disregarded the
multilingual make-up of the country. Indigenous languages play only a secondary
role…” (96).
Similarly, Tadadjeu advocates the inclusion of national languages in the
education system in Cameroon in his trilingual Education Model. The
Quadrilingual Model proposed in this paper envisages the inclusion of a lingua
franca (Cameroon Pidgin English) for several reasons.
Lingua Franca as Component of the Quadrilingual Model
The rationale for including CPE in our model is three-fold. First, the
number of households in Cameroon where Pidgin English is the primary language
of communication is on the increase. Just as French and English are mother
tongues for the majority of urban kids today, Pidgin English has supplanted
these hegemonic languages in many homes, especially in instances of mixed
marriages between Francophone and Anglophone Cameroonians. Second, Pidgin
English is the only language spoken by over 85% of Cameroonians. According to
Achimbe (2006), Pidgin English acquired a national character, “representing the
mother tongue of fifty percent of the population” (99). He further notes that
Cameroon Pidgin English (CPE) is fast becoming the mother tongue in some urban communities.
Breton and Fohtung (1991) buttress this point when they refer to Pidgin English
as a language of “wider communication in Cameroon” (12). Mbangwana (1983) lends credence to the
importance of Pidgin English as a lingua franca in Cameroon as follows:
Pidgin English is very crucial as a communication bridge, for it links an
Anglophone to a Francophone. It also links an Anglophone to another Anglophone,
an educated Cameroonian to another educated one, a non-educated Cameroonian to
another non-educated one, and more importantly an educated Cameroonian to a
non-educated one(87).
Ayafor (2005) recognizes the importance of lingua franca in language
planning in Cameroon when he underscores “the role of Pidgin English as a
linguistic bridge between the two linguistic communities both in official and
private domains” (128). He further notes that Pidgin English in not only the
most widespread variety of English but it is the only language in Cameroon with
the pragmatic ability to function as a contact language for all linguistic
groups.
The third reason for incorporating Pidgin English into the Quadrilingual Model is
that Pidgin English is no longer just a language of the streets. It has evolved
into a medium of literary expression. Cameroonians are now producing works of
literature in Pidgin English. A few examples would drive home the point:
Majunga Tok: Poems in Pidgin
English(2008), CamTok and Other Poems
from the Cradle (2010), African Time and Pidgin
Verses(2001) Stories from Abakwa (2008), Je parle camerounais
(2001), Moi taximan (2001)and Temps de chien (2001).
What we would like to do at this juncture is provide a succinct description
of the Quadrilingual Model.
A Blueprint for Quadrilingualism in Cameroon
In our conception of a Quadrilingual Education System in
Cameroon, we have made a clear
distinction between a first official language(O1), which is the medium of
instruction and the second official language(O2) which is a subject to be
learned at school. At the same time, we
have underscored the dichotomy between a national language (indigenous
language) and a lingua franca (hybrid language used as a means of communication among
speakers of other languages).
The long-term objective of the Quadrilingual Education System would
be to prepare Cameroonian learners linguistically for university studies. The ideal would be to see each Cameroonian
child literate and fluent in their mother tongue or a related regional
language, the two official languages as well as a lingua franca as they work
their way toward university studies. To be labelled fluent, the individual must
be able to function at level 3 of the Inter-Agency Language Roundtable Scale of
Descriptors.[3]
The Quadrilingual Blueprint
§ Primary School
Level
At the primary school level, the mother tongue should be
the medium of instruction and the first official language (English for
Anglophones and French for Francophones) would be a curricular subject. This
stipulation would apply to both rural and urban schools. A proportionate number
of indigenous language teachers will have to be trained in order to see this
project through.
§ Secondary School
Level
At secondary school level, a gradual switch would be made
to the learner’s first official language (English for Anglophones and French
for Francophones) as a medium of instruction. The mother tongue, lingua franca
and second official language (French for Anglophones and English for
Francophones) should become curricular subjects. This model ensures that
learners are exposed to three languages before they get to High School. By the end of secondary school, the
Cameroonian child should be Quadrilingual in the strict sense of the word as it
is used in this paper.
§ High School Level
At high school level German, Spanish, and Latin courses
should be replaced by courses in Cameroonian indigenous languages. Also, some language majors would be
encouraged to participate in indigenous language literacy programs. No specific
modifications are anticipated at this level as regards the teaching of French
and English, except where instructional pedagogies are concerned.
§ University Level
At university level two things could occur.
i. The extension of current indigenous language courses in a
bid to transform them into inter-lingual translation courses covering all
national languages as well as Pidgin English.
Program designers and coordinators could conceive incentives that would
encourage a greater number of students to sign up for languages related to their
own mother tongues if there are no courses in their mother tongues.
ii.
Students with linguistics as minors or majors could be
encouraged to take indigenous language literacy courses that would enrich their
mastery of the phonology, morphology and syntax of indigenous languages.
Conclusion
This paper has unearthed the root causes of the bilingual
policy abortion in Cameroon. Incontrovertible evidence has been unraveled to
lend credence to the contention that Cameroon’s language policy is a
non-starter and has, therefore, failed to serve as guarantor of national unity
and territorial integration. To fill this lacuna, this paper has proposed a Quadrilingual
Blueprint that is inclusive of Cameroonian national languages and Pidgin
English. The merit of this paper resides in its broadening of the
scope of the national language policy discourse in Cameroon by arguing for the
inclusion of indigenous languages and Pidgin English. Most importantly, it has
made the point that national language policy decisions ought to be made on the
basis of sound pedagogic principles rather than on the whims and caprices of
uninformed political role-players.
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Notes
[1] On April 4, 1990, the Yaounde military tribunal was the focus of
national and international attention as arguments in the trial of Yondo Black
Mandengue and 10 others began. They had been arrested in February of that year
for trying to create a political party. Officially, however, the accused were
charged with holding clandestine meetings, fabricating and distributing tracts
hostile to the Government, rebellion, and insulting the Head of State.
[2]
Police officers in francophone countries
[3]
The following
ILR descriptions of proficiency levels 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 characterize
spoken-language use. Each higher level implies control of the previous level’s
functions and accuracy. A skill level is assigned to a person through
an authorized language examination called the Oral Proficiency Interview(OPI). Examiners assign a level on a variety of
performance criteria exemplified in the descriptive statements.
